Who are the Houthis, and why are we at war with them? Houthi Movement
For more than two and a half years, the United States has been supporting Saudi Arabia in a conflict against the Houthi movement in Yemen. This war has resulted in the most severe humanitarian crisis globally, with the looming threat of it evolving into the largest famine in decades. Surprisingly, very few Americans are familiar with who the Houthis are, their principles, and why they are considered de facto adversaries. what is Houthi movement?
Throughout two administrations, the support for the war against the Houthis has lacked a concerted effort to elucidate to the American public why they should perceive the Houthis as enemies. Yemeni politics are intricate and unstable, making it crucial for the United States and its allies to avoid getting entangled in a conflict with an adversary about whom they have limited knowledge. Instead, there is a pressing need for a sincere commitment to finding a political resolution to the complex situation in Yemen.
What you need to know
First and foremost, the Houthis belong to the Zaydi Shiite community, known as Zaydiyyah. Shiite Muslims constitute a minority within the Islamic world, and Zaydis represent a distinct minority within the Shiite branch, characterized by significant doctrinal and belief differences from the predominant Shiite groups found in Iran, Iraq, and other regions, often referred to as Twelvers due to their belief in twelve Imams.
The term Zaydiyyah is derived from Zayd bin Ali, the great-grandson of Ali, Muhammad’s cousin and son-in-law, revered by all Shiites. Zayd bin Ali played a pivotal role in a rebellion against the Umayyad Empire in 740, marking the first dynastic empire in Islamic history, with its seat of power in Damascus. Zayd, who met martyrdom in his uprising, is believed to have his head interred in a shrine dedicated to him in Kerak, Jordan. Zaydis view him as an exemplar of a virtuous caliph who should have ruled in lieu of the Umayyads.
Notably, the Houthis have prominently positioned the fight against corruption as a central element of their political agenda, at least in principle.
Zayd, known for resisting a corrupt regime, is revered by both Sunnis and Shiites as a righteous figure. The Zaydi sect views him as a symbol in the fight against corruption, a principle the Houthis nominally prioritize in their political agenda. Unlike Twelver Shiites, Zaydis reject the concept of ayatollahs and do not practice taqqiyah.
Established in the ninth century in North Yemen’s rugged mountains, Zaydi followers engaged in a millennium-long struggle for control, facing Ottomans and Wahhabis in the 18th and 19th centuries. After the Ottoman Empire’s collapse in 1918, the Mutawakkilite Kingdom, led by a Zaydi imam, took power in North Yemen. They lost territory to Saudi Arabia in the 1930s but retained international recognition as North Yemen’s legitimate government, with their capital in Taiz.
In 1962, a revolutionary military group, backed by Egypt, toppled the Mutawakkilite king, establishing an Arab nationalist government in Sanaa. With Soviet support, Egypt deployed tens of thousands of troops to endorse the republican coup. Zaydi Royalists sought refuge in the mountains near the Saudi border, sparking a civil war. Saudi Arabia and even Israel covertly supported the Royalists. The conflict concluded in a republican triumph after Saudi and Egyptian interests shifted following the 1967 war with Israel.
Ali Abdullah Saleh, a Zaydi republican general, ascended to power in 1978 after a series of coups. Over the next 33 years, Saleh ruled Yemen, overseeing its unification in 1990 and navigating through conflicts such as the 1991 Kuwait war and a Saudi-backed civil war in 1994. Despite complex relations with Riyadh and Washington, Saleh aligned himself with both against al-Qaida in the late 1990s. The 2000 al-Qaida attack on the USS Cole in Aden brought the Americans closer to Saleh, even though his collaboration against al-Qaida remained incomplete.
The Houthis emerged as a Zaydi resistance to Saleh and his corruption in the 1990s led by a charismatic leader named Hussein al Houthi, from whom they are named. They charged Saleh with massive corruption to steal the wealth of the Arab world’s poorest country for his own family, much like other Arab dictators in Tunisia, Egypt, and Syria. They also criticized Saudi and American backing for the dictator.
The war
In January 2015, after months of gradual advancement, the rebel alliance successfully took control of the capital Sanaa, coinciding with King Salman’s ascent to the throne in Riyadh. The Houthis established direct civilian air traffic between Sanaa and Tehran, while Iran pledged economical oil for Yemen, fueling speculations of increased Iran-Houthi collaboration. Hodeidah, the main port, fell to Houthi forces, and they began advancing towards Aden, the southern capital and the largest port on the Indian Ocean.
For King Salman and his 29-year-old defense minister and son, Prince Muhammad bin Salman (MBS), it became a nightmarish scenario. A traditional adversary with ties to their regional opponent was seizing control of the country in their southern domain. The strategic Bab al Mandab straits could fall under Houthi control, presenting a formidable challenge for the inexperienced team in the royal palace.
The Obama administration faced a complex situation. American intelligence officials claimed that Iran was initially discouraging the Houthis from seizing Sanaa and overthrowing Hadi openly. However, the Houthi leadership, intoxicated with success, proceeded with their radical course. Undersecretary of Defense Michael Vickers stated in January that Washington had a productive informal intelligence relationship with the Houthis against al-Qaida, suggesting the potential for continued cooperation.
To counter the Houthi-Saleh rebellion and support Hadi, the Saudis initiated Operation Decisive Storm in March 2015, with MBS publicly promising an early victory. They formed a coalition with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and other traditional allies, but Oman and Pakistan refused to join. Despite unanimous opposition in Pakistan’s parliament, the Obama administration backed the Saudi war, siding with a long-standing 70-year alliance. U.S. and U.K. support proved crucial for the Royal Saudi Air Force, equipped with American and British aircraft, which extensively used their munitions in the conflict.
Nearly three years later, the Saudi air and naval blockade in Houthi-controlled areas has resulted in a dire humanitarian crisis, placing millions of Yemenis at risk of starvation and disease. The Saudi-led coalition has intensified the blockade, gaining more territory over time, yet Hadi exerts minimal control over the recovered regions and resides in Riyadh. Accusations of war crimes are leveled against all parties involved.
This month, Saleh severed ties with his supposed ally, signaling a shift in allegiance to Riyadh, only to be killed days later. Although the Houthis secured Sanaa, they find themselves isolated from Yemeni politics and political parties. While Riyadh depicts them as Iranian puppets, many Yemenis view them as patriots resisting Saudi Arabia, seen as the traditional enemy and an ally of America and Israel. Houthi propaganda emphasizes a narrative of Yemen under attack by a Saudi-American-Israeli conspiracy.
The conflict has pushed the Houthis closer to Iran and Hezbollah, as highlighted by U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Nikki Haley’s recent presentation of evidence pointing to Iranian support for Houthi missile attacks on Saudi and Emirati targets. Facing constant aerial bombardment, the Houthis are launching missiles at Riyadh and Abu Dhabi with Tehran’s technological assistance. The war’s monthly cost to Tehran is a few million dollars, compared to Riyadh’s staggering $6 billion.
While Tehran and the Houthis tread on dangerous ground, a missile strike on Riyadh, Jeddah, or Abu Dhabi leading to significant casualties could intensify pressure for retaliation against Iran. The Trump administration, ill-equipped to provide measured guidance, adds to the complexity. Understanding the intricacies of Yemeni politics and its volatility is essential. The administration’s recent call to ease the blockade signals a need for a serious pursuit of a political solution rather than further entanglement in a war Americans scarcely comprehend.
Why have the Houthis attacked Red Sea ships?
The attacks began after the start of the Israel-Hamas war on 7 October. The Houthis declared their support for Hamas and said they would target any ship travelling to Israel. It is not clear that all of the ships attacked were actually heading there. In November they seized what they said was an Israeli cargo ship.
They since have attacked several commercial vessels with drones and ballistic missiles.
Houthi attacks in the Red Sea have increased 500% between November and December. The threat has become so great that major shipping companies have ceased sailing in the region and insurance costs have risen 10-fold since early December.
Major shipping firms including Mediterranean Shipping Company, Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd and the oil company BP have all said they are diverting vessels away from the Red Sea.
The fear is that fuel prices will rise and supply chains will be damaged. Almost 15% of global seaborne trade passes through the Red Sea, which is linked to the Mediterranean by the Suez canal and is the shortest shipping route between Europe and Asia.
Washington has accused Iran of being “deeply involved” in planning operations against commercial vessels in the Red Sea.
